
AngryDragon
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Posts posted by AngryDragon
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14 minutes ago, Bateshorn said:
Your ideas intrigue me and I’d like to subscribe to your newsletter.
She ran a red light...got no time. The Cincy move always felt like a head scratcher at the time.
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11 minutes ago, Bama Chick said:
Maybe - but more likely he doesn’t even vote. Last time he voted was the 2000 election.
And, yeah, for Bama fans Tuberville is probably seen by most as bad as a child molester. Tuberville covered up a rape by a player, assault on a woman by a player, and lord knows what else.
I’ve seen what UT fans think of Stoops - y’all think he’s any better than a lawyer who hit on 13 year old girls at a mall?His wife also killed someone in Lubbock and they fled soon after.
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3 hours ago, Francisco 2.0 said:
https://www.texasmonthly.com/politics/trump-wins-texas-gop-loses/
The election has yet to be decided, but one result can already be called: the Texas Republican party has lost its ability to speak to much of the contemporary electorate. That the cultural and demographic changes in Texas would at some point catch up to the state’s politics is an eventuality that the GOP’s leaders have done everything in their power to delay. The party has energized its base through culture-war issues such as opposition to immigration, gun control, abortion rights, racial justice protests, and COVID-19 restrictions. At the same time, its leaders have diluted the opposition vote through gerrymandered districts, dreamed up ways to make it more difficult for traditionally Democratic voters to cast their ballots, and scared off Democratic aspirants who can’t hope to match the deep pockets of rich conservative donors like Genevieve Collins’s father.
These maneuvers have made it easier to ignore the writing on the wall, but now the walls are closing in, making the message inescapable: Texas is not what Republicans are pretending it is. In the 1992 presidential election, 60 percent of the state’s votes were cast in greater Houston, Dallas, San Antonio, and Austin. By contrast, in the 2018 midterms, 69 percent of the electorate came from those areas. But that isn’t the worst news for Republicans. As recently as 2014, 17 percent of the state’s electorate was Hispanic. Four years later, that number is 26 percent, and for all the data suggesting that Texas’s Hispanic population may be more conservative than its California counterparts, state Republicans usually count it as a rousing victory if they’re able to gain a 40 percent share of that demographic. (Governor Greg Abbott, whose wife is Latina, did so in 2018, gaining 42 percent of the Hispanic vote. That same year, Senator Ted Cruz managed only 35 percent, barely defeating Beto O’Rourke.)
Meanwhile, the fastest-growing racial group in Texas is Asian Americans, who have seen their numbers surge from 1.1 million in 2010 to an estimated 1.7 million in 2019. In the 2018 gubernatorial election, the incumbent Abbott handily beat Democratic challenger Lupe Valdez by 13 points. But according to exit polls, Abbott lost the Asian American vote by 18 points—still, a better showing than Cruz, who lost that cohort by a margin of 31 points.
What has kept Republicans in power is a dominant hold on a proportionately shrinking demographic: non-Hispanic white voters. Yet even that grip has become tenuous, for two reasons. First, the state GOP has maximized its rural turnout—there are few if any voters left to get. Second, and more important, the party is now struggling in the suburbs, as Collins is finding out. “Even more than the robust growth in eligible Hispanic, Black, and Asian American voters, the bigger driver of change in Texas is the migration [in the political views] of professional whites in the suburbs, particularly women,” Cook Political Report congressional analyst David Wasserman told me. “The shift was underway in the Obama era. Even when Romney won a healthy share of professional whites in 2012, the state House races in suburban areas were much closer. And now Trump is the accelerant. He’s provided rocket fuel for converting suburban Republicans to at least independents—which we saw in 2018, when professional whites turned out at a much higher rate than noncollege whites.”
Trump, of course, was not on the ticket in 2018. “I suspect we’ll see enough noncollege whites return to the electorate this November that Trump will still carry the state, very narrowly,” Wasserman added. Then again, the GOP’s winning margins in recent presidential contests have slowly but surely dwindled in Texas: from a 23-point margin in 2004 (Bush/Kerry) to a cool 9 points in 2016 (Trump/Clinton). While the president has his devoted base to count on, Biden has a few built-in advantages of his own. One is that, with the sole exception of Fort Worth, the state’s biggest cities and counties are run by Democrats, who are sure to keep a watchful eye on early and mail-in balloting procedures. Another factor in Biden’s favor is how the state’s Republican leadership has mismanaged the coronavirus. In June, Governor Abbott, long one of the most popular political figures in Texas, had seen a modest bump in his approval rating, to around 57 percent, according to a Quinnipiac University poll. But by late July only 48 percent held a favorable view of him. According to a different survey, in late August, only 35 percent of Texans approved of his management of the COVID-19 crisis—the seventh-worst rating among the fifty governors. No longer is Abbott an unqualified plus on the campaign trail.
“Donald Trump is not going to lose Texas, I can tell you that,” the president scoffed during a campaign stop in Dallas last October. But simply offering such a prediction was acknowledging the stakes: should Trump lose Texas, he has no path to victory. The electoral earthquake would shake the national Republican party to the ground.
Even a close Trump victory here is unlikely to protect the state GOP from further losses. While rural congressmen like East Texas’s Louie Gohmert and West Texas’s Jodey Arrington have everything to gain by embracing the president in their ultraconservative districts, other Republicans are caught between a Trump-worshipping base and a burgeoning suburban electorate that finds him repellent. That dilemma was on vivid display in late July, when Genevieve Collins made it a point to be among a group of Republicans who stood on the tarmac of the Midland airport to greet President Trump, who had arrived for a fundraiser. When later asked about the out-of-district sojourn, Collins’s campaign insisted, in an awkward statement that made no mention of Trump, that the candidate had made the trip because of her interest in the energy sector.
Collins is struggling to avoid the fate suffered by not only Pete Sessions, but also John Culberson, who moved far to the right to accommodate the GOP base and, in 2018, lost his west Houston district of nearly two decades to moderate Democrat Lizzie Pannill Fletcher. Those two losses are hardly flukes, evidenced by the fact that both seats are likely to remain in Democratic hands this November, despite heavy GOP spending. But the bad news for Texas Republicans doesn’t end there. Within months after Culberson and Sessions conceded defeat, six other GOP congressmen—Mike Conaway, Will Hurd, Bill Flores, Kenny Marchant, Pete Olson, and Mac Thornberry—elected to spend more time with their families.
Suddenly, it’s the Democrats who are playing offense. They’re favored to regain Hurd’s seat, the vast Twenty-third District, which spans much of West Texas. Marchant’s Twenty-fourth District, which covers a patch of the suburbs between Dallas and Fort Worth, possesses many of the dynamics of Allred’s neighboring district—“the rate of change there is insane,” says Wasserman—and is in significant danger of flipping as well. For the first time in recent memory, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee now views Texas as the most opportune target in the nation for growing the party’s majority in the House, with a good shot at picking up four or more seats. As the DCCC audaciously tweeted this past June, “Texas is ground zero for Democrats in 2020. #Texodus.” Or, if you don’t trust the DCCC, maybe you believe Ted Cruz, who declared in September, not for the first time, “Texas is a battleground.”
One summer day in 2011, I traveled to Sugar Land to have lunch with Tom “the Exterminator” DeLay, the town’s legendary former congressman. Once a peerlessly conniving House majority leader, DeLay had recently been sentenced to three years in federal prison for violating campaign laws but was out on bail, pending appeal. (His conviction was overturned in 2013.) I was researching a book on the House, so we confined our conversation to happier times, when DeLay was arm-twisting President George W. Bush’s legislative agenda into passage, while, in his spare time, merrily driving nearly every white Democratic congressman in Texas into extinction through brazen gerrymandering. After DeLay was done with his mapmaking, there was only one competitive district left in the entire state—out of more than thirty. DeLay’s own district, the Twenty-second, which includes most of Fort Bend County, southwest of Houston, has been one of the most reliably Republican fiefdoms in the state.
The clientele seated around us in the Italian restaurant that afternoon appeared to be uniformly white. A year later, Mitt Romney would beat Obama in the Twenty-second by 25 points. The district that DeLay built seemed impregnable. But this turned out to be far from the case, and also the reason journalists like myself are best advised not to limit their reporting to what they encounter at the local diner. By the time I sat down with DeLay, Fort Bend was already one of the fastest-growing counties in the United States, and fully 64 percent of its inhabitants were people of color. Mindful of the trends, the state’s Republican redistricting czars that year moved aggressively to protect DeLay’s turf, lopping off the district’s most heavily African American neighborhoods and shoveling them into an adjacent, safely Democratic district. “They’re carving, cracking, and packing these districts, and in so doing they’re setting up a situation where a tension builds up and all they can do is play to a shrinking base,” Sri Preston Kulkarni, a longtime resident of the district, told me recently.
In late 2017, Kulkarni, then 39, decided to test the district’s invulnerability. Two events drove him into politics. After seeing the white supremacist rally in Charlottesville on TV in Jamaica, where Kulkarni was visiting as a U.S. Foreign Service officer, he felt a “moral imperative” to get off the sidelines. Then, in December of that year, Kulkarni watched with dismay as Trump continued to stand behind the GOP’s Alabama Senate candidate, Roy Moore, even after credible allegations of pedophilia. “The Republican party was investing money in him,” he recalled. “And so I resigned from the Foreign Service, and I called back home to [Democratic party officials in] Texas and said, ‘I’ll do anything to stand up for our democracy. I’ll work for Beto.’ And they said, ‘Why don’t you come run? We need people with a national security background.’ ”
The son of an Indian American father who taught creative writing at Rice University and a mother who worked at Exxon as a systems analyst and is a direct descendant of Sam Houston’s grandfather, Kulkarni knew that he faced long odds against GOP incumbent Pete Olson, who had bested his previous Democratic opponent in 2016 by 19 percentage points. But he was also aware that Fort Bend had become an immigrant gateway, with more than a hundred languages spoken there. So he knew not to take as gospel the words of a Democratic strategist who, according to Kulkarni, said of the district’s growing immigrant population, “Don’t bother talking to them. They don’t vote.”
Kulkarni saw an opportunity. “I said, ‘They don’t vote because nobody bothers to reach out to them,’ ” he recalled recently. “So I specifically went out and recruited volunteers from all these different immigrant groups in the Asian community. It turned out that seventy-two percent of the ones we reached out to had never been called by either a Republican or a Democrat—and they’re the fastest-growing group in Texas.”
A career diplomat who speaks 6 languages, Kulkarni directed his campaign to communicate to the district’s electorate in 27 languages, from Spanish to Igbo. Though Olson won by 5 points, his loss was narrow enough that in July of 2019 he announced his intention to retire from the House. Kulkarni’s opponent this November will be former Fort Bend County sheriff Troy Nehls, who prevailed in the Republican primary by talking tough on immigration and claiming he was the lone candidate to have supported Trump’s border wall for years. But within days of his winning the runoff in July, all of his pro-Trump rhetoric—“I will stand with President Trump to defeat the socialist Democrats, build the wall, drain the swamp”—was scrubbed from Nehls’s campaign website.
In August, I made a phone call to Steve Munisteri, the 62-year-old Texas Republican party chairman from 2010 to 2015 and now one of its paid advisers. Munisteri and I have known each other since we were junior high school classmates in Houston’s Seventh Congressional District, then a Republican stronghold, but now held by Lizzie Pannill Fletcher. He is the quintessential Reagan Republican, having joined the Gipper’s 1976 presidential campaign fresh out of high school. Even during his chairmanship, as the tea party began to transform Reagan’s “Morning in America” ethos into Grievance Central, the ever-smiling Munisteri still projected his idol’s trademark sunniness, right down to his personal email address, which includes the phrase “Life’s great.”
I wanted to talk to Munisteri for two reasons. Optimism notwithstanding, he has always been a data-consuming realist, one who has been describing Texas as a “competitive state” since he first decided to run for party chairman in 2009. Still, Munisteri’s candid assessment of just how competitive the state had now become surprised me. “Hays, Williamson: these, to me, are true swing counties,” he said, referring to the traditionally conservative counties just south and north of liberal Austin that have, since time immemorial, been viewed as the boondocks of Central Texas. But Austin sprawl had changed all that. As a result, it wouldn’t be surprising if two of the state’s long-safest GOP congressmen representing two of its most artfully gerrymandered districts—John Carter in the Thirty-first and Roger Williams in the Twenty-fifth—were among the next crop of GOP congressional retirees.
Obviously, Munisteri’s party wasn’t going to stand by idly as one Republican-held district after the next shifted into the Democratic column. The GOP would have to find new voters somewhere. That was the other reason I wanted to talk to Munisteri. I had heard about the state party’s Volunteer Engagement Project, which he and veteran GOP strategist Karl Rove were spearheading. Its principal aim was to register as many Republicans as possible before the November election. So where was this new bounty coming from?
“A lot of them are Republican voters who moved here from out of state,” Munisteri explained to me. “Last month alone, we [registered] 73,000 of those.” Even greater in number, he said, were Texas Republicans who’d moved within the state and hadn’t yet bothered to register to vote in their new county. A third and smaller category consisted of so-called low-propensity voters, who, from consumer data, appeared to have Republican sympathies but seldom showed up to the polls.
At first blush, this seemed like a sensible political exercise. Munisteri and Rove were scouring the state for anyone who had, at some point in their lives, voted or behaved like a Republican and then getting them to register. But it also seemed rather puny in scale. When I described Munisteri’s efforts to Luke Warford, the state Democratic Party’s director of voter expansion, I could hear him struggling to suppress laughter. “Um, I’m actually pretty surprised he would admit that publicly,” Warford said. “First of all, if you’re saying that your largest target is Republicans who’ve moved from, like, Hays to Williamson County, those are not net new Republican voters. Full stop.”
Warford then turned his attention to Munisteri’s assertion that his initiative has registered a total of about 165,000 new Republicans. Though the state Democrats are cagey about releasing their own figures, they pointed me to recent registration statistics from two private firms. Both suggested that the Democrats were substantially ahead of the GOP in signing up new voters this cycle. “There are more than five million unregistered eligible voters,” Warford said. “And when you look at them, they skew heavily Democratic. We’ve done internal modeling. It’s seventy to seventy-five percent. They’re young, diverse, moving here from out of state. I cannot overstate that the electorate is rapidly changing, and that’s why voter registration is so central to our victory.” He added, “Not to be too smug about this, but I feel like Republicans haven’t registered voters in decades because they haven’t had to.”
Warford’s allusion to the state’s changing electorate underscored a stark reality: where the demographic frontier presents an invitingly fecund landscape to the Democrats, to the Republicans it resembles a desert of options. Back in 2013, when Munisteri was the party’s chairman, he had said to me, “The majority of Hispanics in Texas believe the Republican party is the party for the wealthy and is exclusive. And if you think about it, that’s probably the problem with the Republican party among any ethnic group.” Accordingly, Munisteri had pleaded his case to the national chairman, Reince Priebus, who responded by guaranteeing that the RNC would send the state party $80,000 a month to assist with Latino outreach efforts.
During our recent conversation, Munisteri told me that national support was a thing of the past. Since he left, “those funds from the RNC haven’t been forthcoming,” he said. He didn’t say why. He didn’t have to. Under President Trump and RNC chairman Ronna McDaniel, the national party’s focus has been on energizing its base. And so the Volunteer Engagement Project has committed itself to scavenger-hunting for hard-core Republicans (a decidedly white bunch) who don’t have a voter registration card.
The day after Munisteri and I spoke, a Washington, D.C.–based progressive group called the AAPI Victory Fund, a political action committee for Asian American and Pacific Islanders, made an announcement. It was sending $1 million to the suburbs of Texas, with the aim of registering multitudes of the state’s most meteoric demographic. At least one side was acting like Texas is a battleground.
We’ve heard this death knell before, of course. After Romney’s loss in 2012, establishment Republicans like Steve Munisteri fretted openly that the GOP would continue to lose unless the party broadened its appeal. It turns out they were wrong, at least for a couple of election cycles. Perhaps the GOP’s alley-fighting tactics—big ad buys, whipping up the base while limiting minority voter turnout—will prevail again in 2020. Even if they don’t, the conversion of a few Republican districts, or even suburbia writ large, into contested territory does not a purple state make. At some point, a Democrat must win statewide before Texas earns that distinction.
Though a Biden victory in Texas would amount to a kill shot to the GOP, it would likely come about only if he were already headed for a landslide, a romp across the electoral map from Maine to California. For the moment, his campaign is acting as if winning Texas isn’t realistic. Biden has yet to commit to a serious effort here, which would require heavy spending in several of the nation’s most expensive media markets.
Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick predicts that Trump will win the state by double digits. And other prominent Republicans, though not as boastful as Patrick, who is not up for reelection this year, look likely to prevail. Senator John Cornyn, unlike Cruz, has succeeded in garnering the national party’s early support and faces an opponent, MJ Hegar, who has so far fizzled where Beto O’Rourke sizzled in his run against Cruz. And a new star among the GOP congressional delegation, Dan Crenshaw, seems in little danger of losing his Houston-based district to his spirited but underfunded challenger, Sima Ladjevardian.
Crenshaw’s emergence is a reminder of how a dominant party regularly breeds new talent—while the state’s Democrats have suffered from a weak bench, at least until recently. After all, raising millions of dollars, cajoling thousands of strangers into voting for you, and weathering public attacks is often an unappealing career choice when you’re likely to be playing for the losing team. As longtime Democratic strategist Harold Cook put it to me recently, “Winning begets more winning, attracting a higher caliber of candidates, as well as more money to those candidates. And the opposite is also true. Democrats dug a deep hole for themselves because no one saw anything really being achievable.”
But Beto O’Rourke’s near-upset in 2018 and Colin Allred’s and Lizzie Pannill Fletcher’s victories that same year have perhaps augured a righting of the imbalance of star power. After 2020, the new buzzworthy Texan might be Sri Preston Kulkarni. Or it might be Gina Ortiz Jones, the openly gay Filipina and Air Force veteran who has raised more than $4 million in her encore effort to win the Twenty-third District seat being vacated by Will Hurd. Or perhaps the new breakout name will be the aspiring successor to Kenny Marchant in the Twenty-fourth: Candace Valenzuela, who as a child once slept outside a gas station in a kiddie pool with her homeless mother.
Or, conceivably, the new star in Texas politics might turn out to be an affluent white female Republican who came from behind in November to beat a Black Democratic incumbent. In her quest to do so, however, Genevieve Collins will likely have to confront what it means to be “one hundred percent Texan” in a state where 59 percent of its residents are people of color and 41 percent were born elsewhere. A new kind of majority is there for the taking. Pretending it doesn’t exist is the path to defeat.
Really good article. Thanks for pasting it. They're correct about the Asians...most of my friends are voting for the first time this cycle(almost all UT grads and white collar professionals). We would skew left even more than the 18% but for some damn reason the Vietnamese immigrants vote R and don't bother to get educated.
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1 hour ago, Dnaguy said:
She’s got a lot going on upstairs and should get credit for that.
We’re dealing with two large peaks here. One of corona and one of turnout. They’re huge when compared to what other Harris county judges ever dealt with. And usually when you’re dealing with that, you’ve get a lot of aches and pains. But considering she’s adequately measured the size / need for each individual peak adequately, I think she’s found the support she needs. That’s important and it shows as the numbers of voters seem to almost levitate at an extremely ample 100,000 / day.
I would say that with a huge racked up total of votes already in and democratic enthusiasm poking through, she can’t just sit back and admire her bonafides.
All that being said, I personally think she’s the tits.
This is the sophisticated entertainment I come to Surly for.
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3 hours ago, Hugo Stiglitz said:
This is one of many reasons the potential Biden administration should avoid “turning the page” on Trump for the sake of “unity”, should he win.
Trump needs to be prosecuted for his crimes in office. A failure to do so will only enable Trumpism to fester and re-emerge worse.
I unfortunately expect the Biden administration to do exactly what they should not do and sweep Trump under the rug for political expediency reasons. It is the wrong move and one of my major concerns with Biden.
If there's a way to get me off the Dem train it's this. These assholes need to pay and EVERYTHING needs to come to light.
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1 minute ago, Covri said:
Which place did you go? How many booths available? Surprised the city hall building is not a early voting location this year.
At the Allen ISD service center. Plenty of booths available but took a while because they were only letting in a certain amount of people due to social distancing. They were moving the line pretty fast though.
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Voted in Allen today. Waited about 30 minutes. Was happy to see minorities constitute about half of the line. The GOP needs to burn in hell.
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1 hour ago, Wulaw Horn said:
Thanks. I guess. Literally as I said above a while back I don’t believe everyone who votes for Trump is evil. That’s what I’m pushing back against.
I agree. They can also be stupid. Or racist. One of those 3.
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13 hours ago, Borachio said:
Those are some nice looking clubs! Are both the P770 and P790 for mid-handicap golfers? I couldn't find anything definitive.
I hit about the same scores you do (although I broke 80 for the 2nd time ever recently - mainly due to the clubs and to a new putter that I absolutely love). I've read that you'll see low and mid handicappers play the p790s. The p770s play like a thinner version of the p790s from the reviews I've seen. Definitely got a big distance jump as well and it's the most forgiving iron I've played.
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6 hours ago, Borachio said:
I need a new set of irons bad. I've been playing my current set of Titleist for almost 10 years now. I shoot in the mid to low 80s, so looking for a good mid-handicapper set. I bought the TM M4 driver a couple years ago and really like it.
I'm not sure what the latest and greatest irons are but I found a few with good reviews that I want to try out. I am left handed, so that will narrow it down some.
Thoughts on the following 3 sets? Any better sets out there?
Titleist T200 irons
Mizuno JPX 921 SEL irons
Callaway Apex irons
Take a look at the Taylormade P770s as well. Got the P790s recently(would have taken a serious look at the JPX 921 hot metals but bought my irons right before they got released). Game changer for me(coming from the s55). Wasn't a big TM fan prior to these clubs but they are making some seriously amazing clubs lately.
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2 hours ago, Horn Under a Bad Sign said:
I saw the movie "Dave" with Kevin Kline. Now is when they switch the bodies back to the real President Trump.
Damn good movie.
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30 minutes ago, Goredho said:
Just got off the phone with my step bro in Dallas. I think Trump lost him tonight. Certainly if the election were held tomorrow.
Rest your case. No more debates, Joe.
I really don't understand this at all. He's shown he's inept, corrupt and human trash repeatedly for his entire term. Tonight was just more of the same. Why would the debate make even an iota of difference?
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#Alive is another good Korean zombie flick. Train to Busan 2 was trash - really disappointed with how that turned out.
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7 hours ago, BehoId, The Underminer! said:
collin is very educated, but it is also aggies and sooners.
If Collin ever turns blue it'll really be up to the Asians. Plano/Frisco is basically whites and a large concentration of Asians. We really need to do our part and vote.
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3 hours ago, TXSG8R said:
Is Polly’s still standing? Last time I was over there we rolled through Itaewon and hooker hill was a ghost town. Seemed like all the internationals found a new place to party. Itaweon was more shopping than anything else, and with Yongsan closing, I would guess that last little bit of fun is toast.
They're still there...just more on the other side of the street. When I was there the past few trips I saw way more foreigners in Gangnam and Hongdae than I did when I was living there. Friends told me they got rid of the booking clubs a while back. Legitimately the greatest type of clubbing ever invented.
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Like the show...the "karate" is horrible. The teachers suck so I guess it makes sense the students are terrible at it too.
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30 minutes ago, Jhawkmvp said:
That guy is most likely drunk as a skunk on soju. All the fights I have seen here involved very drunk middle aged or older males and looked similar with lots of ineffective flailing with little damage done. Unfortunately here in South Korea, being drunk is a legitimate defense for all kinds of bad behavior such as rape, physical violence, etc. They will probably still get punished, but often get a reduced sentence. Also paying the victim blood money, or offering to pay, if the victim declines, also usually results in a lighter punishment. The whole face saving thing from Confuscian culture has a big influence still in the South Korean justice system.
I have not seen anyone unmasked on the subway, anytime recently, here in Busan, but Seoul and Daegu were/are the hot spots. However, a lot of Koreans got complacent with mask wearing and social distancing and cases are starting to increase again, primarily in Seoul. In my area, outside on the street maybe 50-60% are still wearing masks; however, 80-90% wear them inside stores and other indoor public spaces still. If I travel to Seoul, my work requires me to quarantine for 2 weeks, as most past and current cases are happening there.
I've read most of the cases are popping up from the right wing anti mask protest that occured and a number of churches that insist on large gatherings.
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22 hours ago, BurntEyes said:
I would suggest starting at the beginning and looking at Chinese immigrant, and tourist activity I SK. I suspect, purely on suppositions of China/SK relations, that SK has a much lower number of visitors and business visas from Chinese citizens. Additionally, I would guess they shut their doors to China a LOT faster than other western countries. Same for Japan.
But I could be completely wrong.
You're completely wrong.
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6 hours ago, slorch said:
But posters on here keep saying we are the worst, as if their opinion makes it true. The results are nothing to cheer about, for sure; but the pot banging gets old as fuck.
oh, and I still do not believe the Asian countries in the way they report.
Well you'd be completely wrong about South Korea.
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3 hours ago, Bozo_Casanova said:
What a ridiculous thing to say. "Burning through" is the worst thing that can happen to our economy. Leaving aside the death that would entail (roughly 1mm), just the massive loss of productivity would be catastrophic. Europe is reopening to tourism and back to work because they had a modicum of discipline and consistent leadership over a 90 day period.
Don't compare us to Europe! But I hear Sweden is doing some interesting things. We should try that.
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On 6/29/2020 at 7:33 PM, Zepol87 said:
Part 2 is supposed to be released July 15th. Not sure is covid has delayed it because I just found out.
I think the release date is good. Theaters in Korea are open and the actors are doing press for the movie. Hoping we don't have to wait too long to see it here in the states.
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4 hours ago, F250 said:
The Democrats should hire her to write some ads.
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1 hour ago, mchookem said:
i'm interested in this as well...we're headed to CO the first week in august...hopefully things have cooled down a bit by then, but do wonder if we'll have to go through OK rather than NM. which would suck. i mean, what if you're just passing thru?
I'd just go through NM unless things get completely out of hand here. My friend took his family from Houston to Durango 2 days ago with no issues. I'm assuming your time in NM will be even shorter if you're just trying to cut across the corner through Raton on the way to 25. You can just drive straight through without having to stop in New Mexico.
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8 hours ago, Texas Jeff said:
I assume those are the numbers for Travis County ... if not I apologize. They line up pretty close with the Travis County data.
Look at the numbers for the Asian population. They represent 7.2% of the Travis County population yet in your table they represent about 1.1% of all cases. Travis County's website shows the Asian population at around 2% of all cases so far.
Mask wearing in the Asian population is more acceptable and a normal way of dealing with outbreaks. I would expect that this population has been wearing masks here in Travis County more than the general public. And their numbers are lower. I am sure there are other factors at play.
That is good news. It is some evidence that if we all wear masks, we can dramatically reduce our case counts.
We're always trying to live up to the model minority stereotype.
If you go into any Asian grocery store it'll be near 100% compliance with masks.
Formerly DT: COVID-19 - Featuring Lots of Politics, now CR because political talk not going away
in Cloak Room
Posted · Edited by AngryDragon
International travel into Korea is not shut down nor has it ever been. You can go there tomorrow if you want to which is one of the few places we're allowed into right now.